Truong-Minh Vu is Ph.D. Candidate at the Centre for Global Studies, University Bonn (Germany) and a lecturer at the Faculty of International Relations, College of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam National University.

Vu got his Bachelor Degree from University Siegen with the major in European Studies in 2008. In 2010, he earned his Master of Arts in International Political Economy (IPE) from Ruhr University Bochum by a Scholarship of Heinrich-Böll Foundation. He has been pursuing his Ph.D. study in IPE about the politics of international leadership and global power shift at the university Bonn, since April 2010 with the scholarship granted by Friedrich-Ebert Foundation, Germany. His main research areas include international politics of East Asia, energy and environmental politics in Southeast Asia, and IR theories. Vu is associate fellow of the research group “Economy and Finance” at the Center of Global Studies (Bonn) and serve as coordinator of the various development projects, covering areas such as mentoring and training programs (funded by Germany Government).

His recent work has been published in International Studies, Beiträge zur Internationalen Politik und Sicherheit and Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional. He can be reached via email at [email protected]

Among his recent publications are listed:

Articles and book chapters with Peer Review

• 2014 (forthcomming). “Between system maker and privileges taker: The role of China in the Greater Mekong Sub-region”, Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional - RBPI
• 2014 (forthcomming). Die “Harmonische Welt” auf dem Prüfstand (Checking the harmonious society of China?), Book project edited by Christian Soffel (with Gunnar Henrich)
• February 2012. Hard Power/Soft Power versus Versicherheitlichung: Macht und Widerstand in den Beziehungen Chinas zu Nambia und Sambia (Hard power/Soft power versus Securitization: Power and resistance in the ASEAN-China relation). Beiträge zur Internationalen Politik und Sicherheit. (with Gunnar Henrich)

Chapters in Edited Volumes, Articles without Peer Review

• 2014 (forthcomming). “China and the logic of self-restrain”, East Asia Policy (with Huynh Tam Sang).
• 2014. “Vai trò của Nhật Bản trong quản lý tranh chấp xung đột tại biển Đông” (The role of Japan in managing the East Sea disputes), ĐH Quốc gia Hà Nội (ed.). Nhật Bản trong thời đại châu Á, 2014, 185-202 (with Huynh Tam Sang).
• 2014. “Sự trỗi dậy của Nhân dân tệ và sự hình thành một trật tự tiền tệ mới ở Đông Á” (The rise of Renminbi and the new monetary order in East Asia), ĐH Quốc gia Hà Nội (ed.). Nhật Bản trong thời đại châu Á, 2014, 295-311 (with Vu Thanh Cong).
• 2014. “Liên minh thuế quan Nga trong chính sách đối ngoại của Putin” (Customs Union between Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia in Putin’s foreign policy), Tạp chí nghiên cứu Châu Âu, số 02 (161), 2014, 36-45 (with Bui Quoc Khanh)
• December 2013. “Thể chế hóa như đối sách của nước nhỏ hơn” (Institutionalization as policy-option of the small states), Tạp chí nghiên cứu và phát triển, số 6-7 (104-105), 2013, 143-159 (with Le Thanh Lam)
• December 2013. “‘Scientification’ in managing the East Sea disputes”, International Studies, (with Nguyen The Phuong).
• December 2013. “Mỹ và UNCLOS tại biển Đông: Siêu cường trong thế lưỡng nan”, Tạp chí Châu Mỹ ngày nay (with Vu Thanh Cong)
• August 2013. “Thể chế hóa dưới góc nhìn của cường quốc: Trường hợp Trung Quốc và DOC/COC”, Tạp chí nghiên cứu Trung Quốc (with Nguyen The Phuong).
• June 2013. “Học thuật hóa các vấn đề tranh chấp biển Đông” (The demands of ‘Scientification’ in managing the East sea disputes), Tạp chí Nghiên Cứu Quốc Tế, No. 93, 2013 (with Nguyen The Phuong).
• May 2013. “Anti-Chinaismus in Nambia und Sambia” (Anti-Chinaism in Nambia and Zambia). ADLAS. Magazin für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik, Nr 02/2013, (with Gunnar Henrich).
• March 2013. Reference Dictionary of International Relations. HCMC: National University Publisher. (co-author, in Vietnamese)
• February 2012. “Das Ende der Charm Offensive” (The end of charm offensive). Internationale Magazine für Sicherheit, No 2/2012 (with Gunnar Henrich).
• December 2011. “Khủng hoảng EU và tương lai đồng euro như đồng tiền quốc tế” (The EU crisis and the future of Euro as an international currency). Tạp chí Nghiên Cứu Châu Âu, No. 10/2011, 29-39.
• October 2011. „Der schwierige Nachbar im Meer. Macht und Widerstand in den Beziehungen Chinas zu den ASEAN-Ländern“ (The difficult neighbor at sea. Power and resistance in China’s relations with ASEAN countries). Eurasisches Magazin, No. 12/ 2011.

The paper now published in the Special Edition of RBPI is entitled “Between system maker and privileges taker: The role of China in the Greater Mekong Sub-region”.

Truong-Minh Vu conceded an interview about his article to Banvasten Araújo.

Interview about “Between system maker and privileges taker: The role of China in the Greater Mekong Sub-region”, with Truong-Minh Vu

Banvasten Araújo

1. Is it important that an alternate view on China- other than northern countries’ - is being published in southern countries like Brazil? Why?

China and Brazil not only share characteristics of south-south cooperation but also have the same status as an emerging power. Considered as rising power in terms of power resources, China and Brazil are finding their ways to transform these resources into political outcomes in international politics, with the goal of acquiring more national interests. The “methods” helping China to succeed (or not) in forming its leadership in the region, through cases in East and Southeast Asia, can contribute as lessons for Brazil, and vice versa.

2. More recently, it is visible that you focused your academic work on China. Was there a turning point or were a bunch of factors that led you to study China? What were your reasons to choose this theme?

At the end of 2009, when I started my PhD program at the University of Bonn, the world turned to place itself at a crossroads. That period, being called Post-Financial Crisis 2008, presented with a power changing scenario that highlighed the U.S. decline and the emergence of BRICS countries, especially China. In Southeast Asia, since 2009, China has constantly changed its policy strategies in many areas. These approaches tend to be more aggressive in dealing with economic issues and more assertive in dealing with territorial disputes with neighboring countries. This situation leads to a prediction that “China’s Century” will initiate its presence in East and Southeast Asia.

3. Brazil and the other BRICS countries shares some similarities with China. As they are all great economies, they are also emerging countries with development problems. Having that in mind, how does the formation of the BRICS influences the southeast Asian countries? Do you believe that Brazil plays a role in South America as the one played by China in the Great Mekong sub-region?

From the perspectives of Southeast Asian countries, the formation of BRICS somehow shapes the world order shift towards multipolar order. This shift reveals the scenario that more power is being shared for developing and southern hemisphere nations. However, until now, the change mainly impacts mentally. BRICS nations have not proved themselves as the representative of developing countries. The two leading nations – India and China – also fail to represent Asian interest at international negotiations.

In my opinion, Brazil has an ambivalent positon in South Ameria as China does in the Great Mekong sub-region. A simple observation shows that this country is pursuing selective approaches towards building the regional orders. In some cases, Brazil obtains the role as a leader who provides public goods to stimulate regional cooperation (for instance, the collaboration to protect Amazone river environment). In other cases, Brazil hesitantly places itself as a leader when it aspires to prioritize its national interests (the Mercosur case can be a good example).

4. Recently, tensions over maritime territory occurred between China and Vietnam. Do you believe that this fact is an example of a lack of inclusive leadership by China? How may it interfere in the relations between China and the Greater Mekong sub-region countries? May the strengthening of ASEAN be a way to avoid negative outputs to this region countries? Why?

Lack of inclusive leadership by China is one of the main reasons leading to tensions over maritime territory occurred between China and Vietnam. In this case, China refuses to play its role as a stability-bringer or as a leader to promote cooperation, and turns to impose its hegemony and domination. Agressively repressing Vietnam by its hard power, China raises concerns and doubts among GMS coutries and all Southeast Asian countries on its “peaceful development” doctrine. Therefore, these countries have to seek the balance of power in many different ways.

ASEAN is always a leverage for ASEAN small nations to counterbalance the domination of China through multilateral diplomacy and forums. However, the bargaining power of ASEAN is declining due to the lack of consolidation among member nations towards China. This division is piecemeal undermining the position of ASEAN in the regional order.

Read the article:

VU, Truong-Minh. Between system maker and privileges taker: the role of China in the Greater Mekong Sub-region. Rev. bras. polít. int., Brasília , v. 57, n. spe, 2014 . Available from <http://www.scielo.br/article_plus.php?pid=S0034-73292014000300157&tlng=en&lng=en&gt;. access on 18 Oct. 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201400210.

Banvasten Araújo is a member of the Tutorial Education Program in International Relations - PET/REL and a member of the Laboratory of analysis in International Relations - LARI ([email protected] )